The Paul name has been a divisive one at Obama-era CPAC gatherings, with rabid supporters of Ron Paul invading the hall to cheer on their man, jeer his Republican enemies, and in 2010 and 2011 delivering straw poll victories to him.
We read primary results to assure ourselves that this candidate has won this state's primary and can win the state in the general election. I think that's a very dubious jump to make.
Football coaches aren't the most diverse group, which may help explain their political similarities.
Politics, as the cliche goes, is a full contact sport. When you choose to play, you're going to get hurt.
I try to do the deep breathing exercises and I end up panicking in the middle of them and it never goes well.
There is huge money to be made - by candidates, by book publishers, by merchandise peddlers - from small-dollar conservative consumers who are as enraged by their own party's establishment as they are the Obama White House.
I've read stories from people who say they always knew they were attracted to the same sex, or that they figured it out at a young age. I'm not one of them. I had practically no idea until one night in my sophomore year of high school.
Ron Paul's CPAC appearances perfectly captured the nature and limits of his political appeal. His libertarian message, non-interventionist views and devotion to the gold standard attracted a sizable, committed following, but many of the true-believers weren't actually part of the Republican Party.
Generally, the real question in a midterm year is whether the damage for the ruling party will be severe or mild.
In 2016 you had a significant number of voters who said on Election Day: I don't like Donald Trump. I don't think he tells the truth. I don't think he has the temperament to be president. I don't think he is qualified. I do think Hillary Clinton is qualified. And I am voting for Donald Trump.
Whereas his father would deliver rambling lectures that were heavy on gold and often disconnected from the political news of the moment, Rand Paul communicates a desire to make himself relevant to the GOP conversation.
For more than a decade after the 2000 election, leading Democrats ran from their gun control past and bent over backward to assuage the fears of gun owners.
Mr. Giuliani's liabilities as a G.O.P. candidate were obvious. There was his well-documented history of cultural liberalism - on abortion, gay rights, immigration and gun control - which he tried, unsuccessfully, to mask. And then there was his style - bland, uninspiring, even soporific.