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For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

- Ivan Krastev
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Ivan Krastev
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True, Putin's Russia does not dream of joining the E.U., but Russia's stability depends on preserving the European nature of its regime.

Living in truth cannot be reduced to having access to full information.

As a rule, governments monitor people.

The crisis of democracy in the West is not the result of falling in love with another system. In Europe and America people who are disillusioned with democracy do not dream about the Chinese model or any other form of authoritarian rule. They do not dream about government that controls Internet and puts in prison those daring to disagree.

A more stable relationship between Poland and Russia based on reconciliation might revive the reunification of Europe.

In 2008, Putin's message was, 'We aren't like a Central Asian republic, we aren't going to build a personalistic regime, we will have institutions.' This is all abolished now. The very idea of a governing party and party career, as you have in China, that didn't work.

As China is about adaptation, not transformation, it is unlikely to change the world dramatically should it ever assume the global driver's seat. But this does not mean that China won't exploit that world for its own purposes.

For the European Union, Russia is as important politically and economically as China is to the U.S.

Before, revolutions used to have ideological names. They could be communist, they could be liberal, they could be fascist or Islamic. Now, the revolutions are called under the medium which is most used. You have Facebook revolutions, Twitter revolutions. The content doesn't matter anymore - the problem is the media.

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For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.

For the Kremlin, it is more feasible to preserve its great-power status in cooperation with the United States than in confrontation.